Orthodox View (e.g., Herbert Feis, Arthur Schlesinger Jr.):
Views the blockade as a clear-cut case of Soviet aggression and expansionism. Stalin initiated the blockade to starve West Berlin into submission, force the Western Allies out of the city, and consolidate communist control over all of Germany. The US and British response (the Berlin Airlift) was a necessary, heroic, and defensive measure to protect the "Free World" and uphold democratic commitments against totalitarian bullying.
According to this traditional perspective, was the Western refusal to abandon Berlin an act of capitalist encirclement, or a necessary defensive reaction to protect democratic enclaves?
If we view Stalin's actions as part of a relentless drive for global communist domination, how does that change our interpretation of his decision to cut off road, rail, and canal access to a civilian population of over two million people?
Revisionist View (e.g., William Appleman Williams, Joyce and Gabriel Kolko):
Argues that the blockade was fundamentally a defensive Soviet reaction to aggressive Western economic imperialism. Revisionists criticize the US and Britain for unilaterally introducing the new Deutsche Mark in their western zones and secretly moving to create a separate West German state. This violated wartime agreements (like Potsdam) and legitimately threatened Soviet security by reviving the same German industrial power that had devastated Russia twice in thirty years.
Look at the timing of the Western currency reform (June 1948), which was implemented without Soviet consent. How might a critical historian view the outbreak of the blockade from the perspective of Soviet fears of a resurgent, capitalist, and potentially militarized Germany?
Did the US initiate the Airlift to save Berlin's democracy, or did they intervene to secure their own geopolitical and economic interests in Europe, particularly regarding the integration of German industry into the Marshall Plan?
New Cold War History / Post-Revisionist (e.g., Vladislav Zubok, John Lewis Gaddis):
Utilizing declassified Soviet archives, these historians emphasize mutual miscalculation and the agency of local actors.
Zubok shows that Stalin did not want a hot war but blundered into the blockade, vastly underestimating Western technological capabilities (the Airlift).
Gaddis highlights how the crisis was shaped by local German leaders (like West Berlin Mayor Ernst Reuter) who pressured the West to stand firm, ultimately accelerating the very things Stalin feared: the creation of NATO and a permanently divided Germany.
The Western Allies initially doubted they could supply a massive city entirely by air, yet they succeeded. How does this technological surprise support the idea that the crisis was prolonged by Stalin's miscalculation rather than a grand master plan for war?
Based on what we now know from Soviet archives about Stalin's cautious approach to avoiding direct military conflict with the US, who was actually driving the escalation of the crisis: a master-planning Stalin, or the unpredictable dynamics of a divided, ruined city?
Compare the Cold War in early 1948 to the Cold War in late 1949. How did the political landscape of Europe shift? How did the nature of the conflict change with the establishment of NATO and the formal creation of two separate German states (the FRG and the GDR)?
What is 'brinkmanship' or 'logistical warfare'? How did the Berlin Airlift serve as the prototype for how the US and USSR would confront each other without firing a single shot for the next forty years?
Final thought: Did the Berlin Blockade create the Iron Curtain and the division of Europe, or did it just pour concrete over a divide that was already established by the ideological differences of 1945? Justify your answer.